this post was submitted on 28 Sep 2023
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One of the House Republicans' witnesses in their impeachment inquiry into President Joe Biden doesn't believe enough evidence has been presented.

Jonathan Turley, a legal scholar and George Washington University law professor, was questioned during Thursday's first impeachment inquiry hearing by the House Oversight Committee as conservatives move forward with their effort to impeaching the president for allegedly aiding his son, Hunter Biden, in business dealings in Ukraine and China.

The mounting evidence as claimed by Republicans has drawn strong responses from Turley, who has been critical of the Bidens following whistleblower testimony in the summer alleging that federal agencies hid or covered up Hunter Biden's tax affairs and other potential criminality.

"I have previously stated that, while I believe that an impeachment inquiry is warranted, I do not believe that the evidence currently meets the standard of a high crime and misdemeanor needed for an article of impeachment," Turley wrote in his written statement, which he read verbatim during the hearing.

Turley said that the purpose of his testimony was to discuss how past inquiries pursued evidence of potentially impeachable conduct, adding that the House has passed the threshold for an inquiry into whether President Biden was directly involved or benefited from Hunter Biden's practices.

"However, I believe that the record has developed to the point that the House needs to answer troubling questions surrounding the president," Turley added. "Polls indicate that most of the country shares those concerns while expressing doubts over the Biden administration investigating potential criminal conduct."

A CNN poll conducted in late August found that 61 percent of respondents think the president—who was vice president at the time the alleged conversations and deals occurred—had at least some involvement in his son's business dealings, while 42 percent said he acted illegally. Another 55 percent believed that Biden acted inappropriately.

The president's perceived involvement tends to fall along party lines. While about half of Americans in an Associated Press-NORC poll from mid-September felt little to no confidence in the Justice Department for its handling of the Hunter Biden investigation, just one in three respondents were highly concerned about the president's wrongdoing.

That translated to a party breakdown of 67 percent of Republicans but just 7 percent of Democrats.

"I do not believe there is a constitutional basis for impeaching President Biden," attorney Alan Dershowitz told Newsweek via email following Turley's statement. "He has not committed treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors while serving as president."

"The entire impeachment inquiry is based on politics, not evidence, so it's no surprise that their own legal expert threw cold water on it," Dave Aronberg, a state attorney for Florida's Palm Beach County, told Newsweek via social media.

Rather than focus on the impeachment inquiry, the White House is channeling Republicans' efforts by comparing their "chaos and inability to govern" to a looming government shutdown that could take hold this weekend.

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[–] apis@beehaw.org 1 points 1 year ago* (last edited 1 year ago)

GOP doesn't need to, and nor do most of their base.

When one considers that it boils down to key constituencies in swing states, to win you only need relatively small numbers of voters to become sufficiently motivated to get to the polls, or to be insufficiently enthused to bother.

Meantime the same factors impact whether or not people donate to a campaign, financially or otherwise, & how much energy they put into arguing for one course or another with their friends and family.

The arithmetic in a two party federal system is a dreadful flaw, in that it forces a tiny minority to become kingmakers.

Nobody imagines one can get large numbers to totally switch sides, and they seldom need to - working the spectrum of impassioned & disillusioned is everything.

Also crucial to tap the psychology of the justifications voters use to explain their actions to themselves primarily, but also to those around them.