this post was submitted on 08 Oct 2025
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I'm curious how the party could simultaneously be a part of the proletariat and also a distinct entity in its own right? In intersectional feminism a great deal of discussion goes into the idea of classes existing within complex frameworks of political and social power. All classes are created based on some distinguishing characteristics. Economic characteristics, racial characteristics, characteristics of ability, sexuality, gender, etc. Classes are not generally self assigned they are assigned by others in response to perceived characteristics, there's exceptions but not generally. Classes are hierarchal, always. That is that none of them exist in isolation. Some classes are privileged to the disadvantage of some other classes.
Unless you existed within a single class system, which would have no distinguishing characteristics, and all people would belong to it. I think in socialist theory this would be the end goal of a communist revolution, the creation of a classless society where everyone holds the same social and political power.
The reason I want to layout my understanding of class is specifically to say, I do not understand how the vanguard can be a part of the working class. It does not make sense that a state entity that is characteristically distinguishable from the working class could also be a part of that working class. Many ML nations have even employed literal signifiers that someone is a member of the party. The amount of political power of general secretaries / chairmen / councilmen is also just not the same as the political power of any worker within those nations. There's a hierarchy of political power that would privilege members of the party over workers themselves. How do you believe this inherent contradiction can be rectified?
I have qualms over what constitutes "wrecker behavior" or bourgeois power, and more importantly who determines what constitutes those things, but I'll table that over this discussion which I think has more potential to be productive.
Put simply, the way you're describing class isn't the same as the way Marxists describe it. These differing views on class leads to differing views on how to address class. That isn't to say that there isn't overlap, of course, but as a quick example Marxists do not consider class to be intrinsically hierarchial, as in classes can have hierarchy within themselves while being the same class.
Managers are proletarians, generally, though usually among the more well-paid stratum of the working class. Classes are social groups, generally, and as everyone is an individual with our own characteristics, no two people are the same. A class consists of definite social relations that apply as an average, common to all who fit in that class, though edge cases and outliers will inevitably exist.
If we compare socialist officials, party members, etc with non-party members, there is indeed typically higher material benefits and political power. However, this doesn't mean that production is run for their personal enrichment, or under their sole discretion. Marxists consider administration to be a necessary role, and don't generally consider equalitarianism to be a useful pursuit, instead moving towards "from each according to their ability to each according to their work," and later into "from each according to their ability, to each according to their needs." Administration doesn't mean production is run for their benefit, and ownership of production is still shared collectively.
Moving onto the vanguard, just like some workers are plumbers, some are engineers, some are industrial fabricators, all of these groups fall under the "working class" generally. The vanguard isn't different from that, rather than being professional doctors, teachers, etc, they are professional revolutionaries. Post-revolution, this involves the state, and the means by which the state and class are eroded lies in collectivizing all of production and distribution along a common plan. The vanguard is a matter of practical necessity, proven historically by successful revolution.
Since you're coming from the feminist framework, I recommend the essay The Tyranny of Structurelessness by Jo Freeman, using lessons of practical experience from feminist movements in organizing. Formalizing structure and organizing allows you to form a mass movement with accountability against bad actors, and come up with cohesive plans and agendas without falling into the traps of endless discussion and lack of action. It also avoids the problems of uncontestable elites, that cannot be challenged because no formal checks exist.